运用语言的好坏对于写作演讲稿的影响非常大。只有具备说服力的演讲稿才能真正地引导听众。小编花费了大量的时间和精力将许多资料整理成这篇“演讲稿名人”。虽然这些数据仅供参考，实际情况可能会有所不同。
演讲稿名人 篇1
五分钟名人演讲1大家好！
有一个故事，说的是一头驴，背着两捆草，饿了，到底放下哪一捆来吃呢?一直犹豫不决，结果饿死了。这个故事有点夸张，但是生活中有很多交叉点，每个人都会在上面徘徊。
做出选择既困难又痛苦。 这里有* *和那里有* *。我该选哪一个？我的同学出国了。我应该去新东方学习托福吗？
我的发小考公务员了，我是不是也要买书复习了?电视上说有个人小学没毕业做电商就发财了，我是不是也要到**上开个店铺?
你今天听到东边热闹往东跑，明天听到西边热闹，就掉头往西边跑。很多年下来，你会变成一个无头，一个锤子西一个槌，跑累了，没有积累。我认为，如果你觉得自己还年轻，那一定要花点时间想一想，不说长了，就是未来的十到十五年时间，你到底要想成为怎样的人?
未来十到十五年，你到底最想获得什么?这是最重要的。这个东西，你可以说是梦想，也可以说是价值。
为什么？因为一旦你搞清楚了，以后你做任何判断和选择都会容易得多。有助于实现我梦想的，我就干。
没帮助，我就放弃。锚定你的梦想。无论你在短期内遇到什么或遇到什么困难，都不会影响你的判断和选择。
这时，我很幸运，在困难面前我很少挥杆，经常拍拍脑袋做决定。因为我上高中的时候，就想清楚了我这辈子要干什么。我不想要进到一个仰人鼻息的单位去，我就梦想着要开个自己的电脑公司编软件，自己安排生活和命运，而且做好了，很多人都用，这样很有成就感。
一旦你有了这个想法，所有的选择都非常简单。例如，我在高中的时候，在全国物理竞赛中的了奖。很多大学都愿意录取我，有不同的专业。其中一所比较有名的大学想让我进入食品工程专业。
我父母听说以后十分高兴，他们经历过吃不饱饭的年代，觉得上了这个专业，以后就不愁吃饭了。但我强烈反对，因为我对食物不感兴趣，我只想做软件。当时，西安交通大学也来招收我。当时，我不知道西安交通大学是干什么的。我以为那是一所铁路大学。
但西安交通大学让我去计算机系，所以我去了，因为它达到了我的目标。相反，我很多同学根据当时热门不热门来选专业，很多人选了国际**。这种选择似乎很明智，但现在看来似乎不是他们真正想要的，也不是他们可以展示才华的地方。
如果你这么说，我的目标很简单。每年挣50万元。对于这样一个目标，我的建议是这个目标不应该太具体。太短期和太物质化的目标不能内化为你的梦想。
像年薪50万、100万这样的目标，你可能很快就实现了，然后就失去了梦想，没了目标，跟有些拿到巨额拆迁款的人一样，沉溺于赌博，把自己的未来都毁了;或者有的物质化目标很难实现，比如你想成为中国首富，可能你很快就放弃了。在我看来，只有这种非营利性的梦想和目标，才能激励一个人长期不断地追求。
我大学毕业时，也面临着选择。到底是去南方的某家银行工作，拿一月3000元的高薪，还是去北京的一家大型电脑公司，拿一月800元的工资?我没什么犹豫就选择了后者，因为只有到电脑公司，才能学习怎么做软件，才有机会实现我的梦想。
后来我离开这家电脑公司到互联网里去创业，有很多人说：“你太有勇气了，放弃了高薪和职位。”但是我觉得这不需要什么勇气。
它不再适合我了。它不能帮助我实现我的梦想。别人认为珍贵的东西对我来说什么都不是。所以，你的梦想和目标不跟物质挂钩，物质就不会成为你选择时的掣肘。
对于高中生来说，**可能是一个看起来很有前途的专业。对于大学生来说，**可能是一份薪水丰厚、人人羡慕的工作。但当你越走越远，物质对象越来越大，你需要坚定的梦想指南针来指引你。
当年我要离开雅虎，因为在里面不能创新，很多好想法实现不了，这种氛围让我窒息，让我忍无可忍。雅虎表示，如果想提前辞职，将扣除3000万美元。即使放到现在，这也是一笔不小的数目。
很多人为我感到难过，说你还要再过一年半。我不想混，也最痛恨混。自由对我来说是最重要的，做我想做的事最重要的。
于是，我再一次的创业。于是，有了360。
可以说，直到现在我的梦想从未改变，但是我的行业已经从计算机发展到了互联网和手机。我的目标很简单。我总是想做别人从未想过的产品。我的产品可以改变数百万人的生活和工作方式。这个梦想可以说是我实现了，也可以说是我没有实现，因为我认为还有更多的好主意要做。
90后年轻人朝气蓬勃。你应该有更好的梦想。希望您能考虑一下自己的未来。想想10年、15年后，大家再聚首的时候，你希望自己成为什么样的人，这才是最重要的。
谢谢大家!
五分钟名人演讲稿2曾经，大学生是天之骄子，谁家中出了一名大学生更可谓是光宗耀祖，门楣大幸，但随着社会的发展，各大高校的扩招，大学生在社会中所占比率越来越高，虽然，大学生依旧是祖国的栋梁，民族的希望，但相应的问题也随之而来。
在大学生中普遍存在着一些片面抑或极端的思想倾向，而这些倾向桎梏了同学的思维，抹杀了同学们的创造力，阻碍了同学们的进步和成功，比如大学生中的浮躁风，机械思想，极端个人主义，忽视体育锻炼等，这些都是遏制人才，残骸栋梁的**。
当代大学生，受当前全球化和市场经济所带来的一些不良思想潜移默化的影响，加上当前独生子女增多，在家中可谓集万千宠爱于一身，任何事物张嘴便可要来，伸手便可拿来，因此许多不良习气也都有所沾染，如何能帮助这些学子走上正确的人生轨道，改正不良习气及习惯，是我们社会人都应该考虑及身体力行的。
首先，与时代接轨，与国际接轨，个人命运与时代命运息息相关。青年的未来离不开国家的未来，国家的未来离不开青年的未来。大学生只有将个人的前途名誉同国家民族的发展前途结合在一起，才能真正的实现个人理想，做对社会有用，对自己无愧的优质人才。
二是充分利用现有条件，成为优秀人才和栋梁。
众所周知，今天是知识的时代。只有真正的人才，才能在未来日益复杂的社会中赢得一席之地。所以，我们每位大学生在校期间，应该充分利用各种资源，不符按的提升自己，超越自己，有专业所长、有眼光、有创造力。励志演讲三然后，要成为培养德智体美劳全面发展的好学生，好公民，培养高尚且健全人格，以健康的身心迎接困难及挑战。
同时，养成大爱，以博大的胸怀去为人处世，从而形成基本的价值观、道德观、思维观和社会工作的能力，为将来的走向社会服务他人奠定夯实的基础。
最后，把握有限的时间，创造无限的生命。当代大学生往往刚刚步入社会，年轻而朝气蓬勃。他们应该学习例行公事，培养分析能力和判断力，三思而后行。同时注意个人言行，知礼，诚信，明德，修身，学会控制自己，调整自己，走向社会、参与实践、志愿服务、公益事业，以充分展现个人魅力及个人修养，这将会是我们今后就业中无形的财富。
望当今大学生，承前启后，实事求是，活出自我，少年强则，学子们，愿你们用努力与奋斗托起明天旭日，扛起中国脊梁。
五分钟名人演讲稿3我讲的题目是《幸福的哲学》。
我一辈子幸福感最强烈的时候，是什么时候?主要是两段时光。一段是谈恋爱的时候。
我在上初中的时候，就暗恋一个女生，她坐在我后面三四排的样子。在课堂上，我总是回头看她。后来，慢慢地，我想让她知道我在看着她。我总是看着她，她知道。只要我回头看她，她就脸红了。
我现在还记得她的样子，圆脸，经常穿一件绿色的衣服，那时候脑子里面老是在打腹稿，写情书，怎么样给她写情书。初三的时候，她坐在我旁边。那时，我很高兴。
然后我在17岁的时候上了北京大学。那真是青春期。有一天，我突然发现世界上有那么多美丽的女孩，我突然觉得世界很美好，生活也很美好。当时，我写了很多诗，都是情诗，但没有对象。
或者看到一个可爱的女孩，写一首歌，其实我并不认识她。她盯着我看，我心跳了半天，我回去写诗。
爱情真的是人生的幸福，一个非常重要的内容。两个人相爱，不管他们相爱多久，他们可能会在一后分手，但你们相爱的时候是美好的。如果你最终分手了，不要责怪对方，要心存感激，感谢对方给了你一个好日子。
现在很多人经常互相抱怨。我觉得没必要。那有的人就说了，他说当然爱是美好的，但是他对我不是爱，他是骗了我。那我说，你也不要埋怨，你应该怎么样?
你应该鄙视他。他不值得你爱，也不值得你抱怨。怨恨也是一种很沉重的感觉。你应该保留你的感情，不要浪费在他身上。
什么是爱？爱是在这个世界上找到一个亲密的亲戚。一个好的婚姻能够经受住漫长岁月的考验，那就不但是美好的幸运的，而且是伟大的，这是人生的伟大成就，能够得到这么伟大成就的人是很少的。
这是一段时间。后来有一段时间，我抚养孩子，自己当了爸爸。有时她妈妈看到我拿着奶瓶喂孩子。她喝醉了。她说：
“你不要以为你在给孩子喂奶，这个奶水就是从你身上出来的。”我当时就回了她一句：“我说我真的感觉我整个变成了一个**瓶了。
”但是毕竟不一样，她是真正用自己的身体在那里给孩子哺乳，我看的真是羡慕得不得了。
其实人生中的幸福，那些最本质的幸福是很简单、很平凡的。我们总是想在远方找到幸福。你可以创造非凡的事业，创造卓越，创造辉煌。但是，如果说你事业上非常风光，可是你的家庭生活一团糟，你根本没有时间跟自己的家人在一起，我觉得你的人生是有重大缺陷的。
不管你多忙，你都得和家人一起吃饭。桌上一定有笑声和欢呼声。这比有车有房重要得多。无论一个人有多少钱，无论他的汽车或房间有多豪华，如果没有这样的东西，我都说他很可怜。 他是世界上一个孤独的灵魂。所以这是我的第一个观点，珍惜平凡的生活。
你要享受生命，享受生命单纯的快乐。你要享受你的智力，享受老天给人的这些得天独厚的禀赋，这是做人的幸福。
我认为最重要的智力素质是什么？一是好奇心，对事物、世界和质是充满兴趣。事实上，我在女儿身上可以看得很清楚。她小时候很好奇。
我的女儿啾啾，她四岁五岁的时候，她问她妈妈，她说：“妈妈，云的上面是什么?”妈妈说：
“云的上面是星星。”她问：“星星的上面是什么?
”妈妈说：“星星的上面还是星星吧。”她说：
“我问的是最后的最后是什么?”妈妈说：“没有最后吧。
”她奇怪了，她回过头来就问我，她说：“爸爸，这怎么会呢?”她指指我们家的天花板，她的意思说天也应该有个天花板吧?
应该有最后一个吗？问题是什么？世界在空间上是有限的还是无限的。
她又问她妈妈，她说：“妈妈，有一个问题你肯定回答不了。”妈妈说：
“什么问题?”她说：“你告诉我世界的一辈子有多长?
”这是世界在时间上有限和无限的问题。她又问，她说：“妈妈，世界上第一个人是从哪儿来的?
”妈妈说：“中国神话里面说是女娲造的。”她马上问：
“女娲是谁造的?”对生命、对人类的起源追根究底，这是典型的哲学性的追问。
那么又过了几天，她问我一个问题，她说：“爸爸，在世界的另一个地方，会不会还有另一个我?”我一听这个问题，我汗毛竖起来了。
我说：“可能吧，说不定你还会遇到她呢。”她马上非常生气地打断我，她说：
“不会的。”然后转过头去跟她妈妈说：“妈妈，有一天当你老了的时候。
”实际上她是委婉地说，当你死了的时候。她说：“当你老了的时候，在世界的另一个地方，又会生存一个人来，那个人长得跟你完全不一样，但她就是你。
”老天，她讲的是轮回，我的汗毛又竖起来了。
真的，孩子真不能小看，你们小时候一定也想过这种问题，提过这个问题，可能当时家长叫你不要胡思乱想。这哪是胡思乱想，这是最重要的问题，最根本的问题，想把人生的大问题弄清楚，要不生活得不踏实。如果你有这种感觉，你就有这学天赋。看来我女儿有这学天赋。
但是自从进了小学以后，这样的问题就越来越少了，问的都是作业怎么做的问题了，一个哲学家就这样被扼杀了。
那么我们怎么样让孩子的聪明保持下来?教育到底要达到什么目的?现在的教育，它的目标太狭隘了，太可怜了。
英国有个哲学家叫怀特海，他说过一句话，他说什么是教育?教育就是等你把你在课堂上学的东西都忘记了，把你为考试而背诵的东西都忘记了，那剩下的东西就是教育。
所以，我经常也跟家长们谈，今天在坐的可能也有家长。家长该怎么办？一是为素质教育加分。家庭中最重要的教育是教化。
家长自己是一个爱生活的人，爱读书，爱思考问题，然后经常和孩子交流，在这样一个环境里面，孩子自然而然就会往那个方向发展，他的素质就会提高。
还有一点就是给应试教育减负，我的女儿啾啾，因为她在小学的时候基本上在班上都是第一第二，然后到了初中，排名就往下了一点，基本上是第四第五吧。我说第四和第五非常好，比第一和第二好多了。我说：
“你就保持这个，很好，爸爸非常满意。”然后有一次期末考试，不小心考了一个全年级第一，我就批评她了，我说：“你怎么考的?
我们不是已经约定好了吗?你怎么就考了个第一，下不为例。”我是不想让她因为考了第一，然后就有压力了，以后还要争这个第一。
其实所有的家长都是爱孩子的，但是我觉得有些家长爱的方法不对，从幼儿园、小学、中学、大学直至以后那个工作，恨不得给他全部都安排好，他以为他这样做，就给了孩子一个美好的未来。我告诉你才不是呢!孩子的未来绝对不掌握在你的手里面，掌握在谁的手里面?
掌握在孩子自己的手里。你要把孩子培养出一个好的素质、好的心态，让他既能自己去追求幸福、创造幸福，又能承受人生必不可免的苦难，这样你的教育就成功了。
这个时代我们谈幸福谈的很多，但是为什么感到自己幸福的人其实不多?你没有弄清楚人生什么东西是最重要的最宝贵的，往往把那些次要的不太宝贵的东西看得太重要了，把你的全部力量都使在那里，结果呢?得不到，你痛苦;得到了，你也并不幸福。
老天给了我们每个人一条命一颗心，把这条命照看好，把这颗心安顿好，人生就是圆满的，就是幸福的，我讲完了。
演讲稿名人 篇2
名人演讲稿精选之艾澜德的演讲稿
会议的组织者，各位女士们、先生们，下午好！亚洲在过去十年间的增长水平，很难有人相信持续至今，如今没有人怀疑亚洲的重要性，不久以后它将成为经济复苏的希望，特别是当欧洲遭受金融重挫的时候，中国无疑是推动亚洲全球格局中重新定位的重要经济体。很多公司的董事会上大家经常讨论的是如何调整其自身的'商业模式，这个态度符合世界经济的重要变化。亚洲成了重要的销售区域，无论是进行绿地的投资，还是本体公司建立合资企业，包括各行各业，各种公司投资大型制造业。
斯凯孚通过产品和服务为客户创造价值，我们不能光关注低成本的竞争，我们应该强调凭借给客户带来的价值和经济取胜。斯凯孚的员工就是我们最大的财富，在实际工作和网络上有各种知识库，对于我们业务所在的各个国家，包括中国，我们的知识都是数十年建立起来的，而且我们的员工队伍是稳定，而且是逐渐做大的。在中国格局不同，我们必须加速知识传递的进程，本土化重要的推动力是斯凯孚知识的本地化。在更艰难的领域，单凭基本的制造知识和泛泛的销售常识是不够的，我们需要正确的态度进行学习。因此我们在中国非常重视这一点。再有就是招募，中国具有良好的教育体系，因此我们很看中在中国招募本土毕业生，对他们进行仔细筛选，斯凯孚寻找积极进取，并且努力吸收知识的员工。
发展方面，我们拥有斯凯孚学院，致力于员工内部培训，斯凯孚学院有专人负责提供课程和培训项目。我们为亚洲管理层设计了斯凯孚亚洲MBA计划。在日常工作当中，创造学习环境使得员工获得向他人学习的机会，这是比培训更重要的学习机会。
人才输出，很多年以来，我们一直开展欧美地区的短期业务，中国员工正在成为斯凯孚全球人才的一部分，他们会申请和得到其他国家的职位。在其他国家工作几年以后，他们又会回到中国担任重要的职位，这是把中国顶尖人才推向斯凯孚顶尖管理层的秘诀。我们设计了斯凯孚就业计划。
人才引进，其他国家的斯凯孚员工加入了斯凯孚（中国），我们外国员工人数在中国显著增加，从原来20名增加到75名，我们特别强调把人才引入到中国。主要有三类员工，他们为斯凯孚（中国）带来他们的专长，一是生产和行业专家，他们将成为大家的学习标杆，中国员工能够在日常工作当中尽可能学习知识，我们还安排面对面、通过IT技术进行培训，希望更多的员工学习案例培训。我们还有开发工程师，斯凯孚正在上海设立全球技术中心，目前有50名员工，以后会增加到400名左右。斯凯孚今后将向中国输送专家，与中国的开发工程师合作，以便更快提升技术水平。
结论，我相信在上述任何一个领域，我们都不是独一无二的，我想表达的是高层需要认真对待知识的传递，并采取全面综合治理，全新处理知识构建与积累的方法。一个企业只有成功地使全球知识本土化、本地化，才能在中国市场长盛不衰，永保竞争力。谢谢！
演讲稿名人 篇3
我们都知道，马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时，马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马 ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?
br本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（riverside church）。
我走进这座宏伟的教堂是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：
“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”
i ***e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.
the recent statements of your executive ***mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time ***es when silence is betrayal."
演讲全文：a time to break silence by martin luther king, jr.
i ***e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the ***anization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam.
the recent statements of your executive ***mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time ***es when silence is betrayal." and that time has ***e for us in relation to vietnam.
the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.
moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being me**erized by uncertainty; but we must move on.
and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of **ooth patrioti** to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.
perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.
over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr.
king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say.
"aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my ***mitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.
in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
i ***e to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia.
nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.
since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.
it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.
so, i was increasingly ***pelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest ge***ia and east harlem.
and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest ***passion while maintaining my conviction that social change ***es most meaningfully through nonviolent action.
but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.
for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.
for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto:
"to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed ***pletely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:
o, yes,
i say it plain,
america never was america to me,
and yet i swear this oath --
america will be!
now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul be***es totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam.
it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.
as if the weight of such a ***mitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot f***et that the nobel prize for peace was also a ***mission -- a ***mission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my ***mitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the ****** of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war.
could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for ***munist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they f***otten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one?
can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?
and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i ***e tonight to speak for them.
this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationali** and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in ***passion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a ***bined french and japanese occupation and before the ***munist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh.
even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.
with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some ***munists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs.
even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.
after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would ***e again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north.
the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
the only change came from america, as we increased our troop ***mitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy.
they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.
so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.
they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.
they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building?
is it among these voiceless ones?
we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops.
we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only non***munist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.
now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these.
could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.
perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "***munists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south?
what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land?
surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own ***puterized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent ***munist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly ***anized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is ******ed and controlled by the military junta.
and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant.
is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?
here is the true meaning and value of ***passion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his asses**ent of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now.
in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french ***monwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.
when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.
also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.
hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.
perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.
at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynici** to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.
before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.
somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam.
i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of **ashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.
i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.
this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:
each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into be***ing their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat.
the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militari** (unquote).
if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve.
it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.
*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.
number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.
four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.
five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.
part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing ***mitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.
we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, ****** it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful ***mitment.
we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.
*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i re***mend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.
* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.
now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has be***e a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.
the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves ***anizing "clergy and laymen concerned" ***mittees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru.
they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.
and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.
in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s.
military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.
it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy ***e back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.
" increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that ***e from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...
we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and ***puters, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of raci**, extreme materiali**, and militari** are incapable of being conquered.
a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must ***e to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.
true ***passion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it ***es to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.
a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just.
" the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.
a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.
*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against ***muni**. war is not the answer. ***muni** will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.
let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anti***muni**, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against ***muni** is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.
we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of ***muni** grows and develops.*
these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.
the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.
it is a sad fact that because of ***fort, ***placency, a morbid fear of ***muni**, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now be***e the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxi** has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, ***muni** is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.
our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, raci**, and militari**. with this powerful ***mitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."
a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must be***e ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.
this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily di**issed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now be***e an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.
i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.
this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god.
he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will be***e the order of the day.
we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.
as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).
we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.
procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs.
we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.
omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."
we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action.
we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without ***passion, might without morality, and strength without sight.
now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.
shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets?
or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of ***mitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.
as that noble bard of yesterday, james russell lowell, eloquently stated:
once to every man and nation ***es a moment to decide,
in the strife of truth and falsehood, for the good or evil side;
some great cause, god's new messiah offering each the bloom or blight,
and the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.
though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong
though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong
yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown
standeth god within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.
and if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending co**ic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.
if we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
if we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over america and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.
演讲稿名人 篇4
篇一：走进名人
走进名人——鲁迅团长：成员：
篇二：单元整合.走近鲁迅
走近鲁迅
设计意图：
学习汉语最重要和最基本的方法是阅读作品。北京大学学者钱理群认为，鲁迅是语文教学的灵丹妙药；孔庆东认为，鲁迅是现代汉语的第一大师。应该说他们的说法很有道理。
我认为，在浅阅读泛滥的时代，读鲁迅的作品，是学生阅读的最聪明的选择和最保险的选择，我赞同古蔺作家邓立中“百读不厌是鲁迅”的切身体悟。
阅读对学生来说是一种精神成长。读与不读是一回事，读是另一回事。学生正处于培养阅读兴趣的时期。要培养有品位的阅读，教师的引导和鼓励是必不可少的。
正如北京大学教授曹文轩所说：阅读简单时尚的书籍也许无害，但并不能提高学生的精神。鲁迅的伟大不是靠讲几堂课、读几本书就能实现的。
走近鲁迅，语文课只是一个简单甚至有些不准确的向导。真正正确的方法是广泛阅读和深入思考。
如何删繁就简，选择一个适合的角度来解读鲁迅的作品，感知鲁迅的人格魅力，是这次读书交流会把握的主要方向。根据六年级学生的年龄特点和近阶段的阅读现状，有针对性地安排了这次阅读交流活动。这种教学设计着眼于引导学生主动阅读鲁迅作品，尝试用多种阅读方法进行交流，从不同角度感知鲁迅的性格。
对学生的学习活动，不必作太高的要求，如对文本的理解，对鲁迅人物的把握，旨在激发学生能够学有所思，真实地表达读书的体验。
活动目标：
一。通过对鲁迅作品及相关知识的介绍，激发学生了解鲁迅、阅读鲁迅作品的兴趣，感受鲁迅的人格魅力。
2。建议学生课后阅读鲁迅作品，交流心中的鲁迅形象。
教学的重点和难点：在头脑中交流鲁迅的形象，感受鲁迅的人格魅力。活动准备：安排学生在课前认识鲁迅；阅读关于鲁迅的作品，挑选有感悟的句段进行圈点批注；cai课件。
课时安排：1课时
教学过程：
一、引出鲁迅
一。课件展示了班上一位学生写的一首诗：
他黄瘦的脸颊
浓密的胡须
灰黄的长衫
破旧的布鞋
组成了他
他是新文化运动的主将
他是主张自由和民主的文豪
从彷徨到呐喊
从百草园到三味书屋
“救救孩子”是他的呼声
“读书救国”是他的思想
端起一支笔——这便是他的枪
铺开一叠稿纸——这便是他的甲
放在桌子上-这是他的前线
他是坟边青青的野草
春风吹又生
他是一根黑暗中的火柴
点燃了生命的灯
横眉冷对千夫指
俯首甘为孺子牛
他是永恒不朽的民族魂
他是新文学的领头人
纵然逝去虽死犹生
他与中华民族永存
2、指名学生深情地朗诵。
3、诗中刻画的人物是谁？（鲁迅）
四。我们的名字并不陌生，他挥舞着大量的椽子，投入到唤醒人们的大潮中；他毕其一生，不断对**社会进行毫不妥协的批判；他坚持为闰土、孔乙己、女
作为一个中国人，我们有太多的理由接近鲁迅先生。接下来，让我们恭敬地跟在老师后面，以深深的敬意走近鲁迅。（写作题目：走近鲁迅）给我看一段鲁迅**。
二、认识鲁迅
一。这是我们刚学的四篇课文。谁来谈论他们？这些文本告诉你鲁迅的个性特征是什么？感受到了鲁迅先生的什么崇高品质？
2、指名交流。
3、回顾课文，知识准备
师：真好！你们是怎么体会到的呢？
（从鲁迅的言行举止体会到的。
从文中的含义深刻的语句体会到的。）
小结：抓住描写人物的语言、动作、神态等句子和含义深刻的句子体会人物的品质和感情，这种读书方法叫读进去，另外，阅读文章时，还可以联系当时时代背景及我们的生活实际，作进一步的思考，这种读书方法，叫做想开去。我们不仅要读进去，想开去，还要把自己的感受读出来有这是阅读写人文章的重要方法，希望同学们在今后的阅读实践中将这个方法用好用活。
三、品味鲁迅
大家心目中的鲁迅形象
一。上课前你读了什么关于鲁迅的书？你对先生有哪些进一步的了解？
2、学生拿出课前发放的文章。
展示课件：试着找出深奥的词组，想想鲁迅是什么样的人？在旁边画圈，简单地写下你自己的经历或感受。
三。学生可以根据要求感受到深沉的句子，并进行分组交流。
四。全班交流反馈，学生补充和评论。
《父亲对我的教育》
一。瘦削的脸庞，显露出坚毅和坚强；尖锐的语言，仿佛刺穿了深邃的黑夜；鲁迅先生的形象，加上不朽的人物，往往在读完鲁迅的作品后，随着岁月的增长而变得模糊清晰。这就是大家心目中的鲁迅形象。那么鲁迅在儿子周海婴心中是什么样的呢？
2、课件出示：由于我母亲是高龄产妇，生产的时候很困难，拖了很长时间生不下来。医生问我父亲是留大人还是生孩子。我父亲的回答是留下大人。这个答案的结果是**和儿童留下来。
我上学后，我父亲有一次拒绝上学，因为我很懒，假装用报纸卷打屁股。但是,待他了解了原因,便让母亲向教师请假,并向学生解释:的确不是赖学,是因发气喘病需在家休息,你们在街上也看到,他还去过医院呢。
这才解了小同学堵在我家门口,打唱“周海婴,赖学精,看见先生难为情……”的尴尬局面,友好如初。（周海婴《记忆中的父亲》）
3、在儿子周海婴的笔下，你觉得鲁迅是怎样的一个人？
周海婴喜欢他父亲的教育方法吗？你喜欢鲁迅“顺其自然”的教育方法吗？请联系自己的生活谈谈感受。
教师小结：让它自然、宽容、严格。
《回忆鲁迅先生》
作为一个好老师和好朋友，鲁迅给萧红留下了什么印象？萧红的几段回忆中，哪段让你感受(:班队会走进名人了解鲁迅演讲稿)很深？
教师总结：直率、热情、严谨、勤奋
5个。老师补充说：在海婴的记忆中，他父亲很慷慨，不严厉，也不溺爱。在妻子许广平的笔下，王先生很单纯，很感人。
解读先生的作品，我们会发现，他时而幽默风趣，时而遗世愤俗，时而天真率性，时而激烈如火。这就是鲁迅先生的魅力。
五、怀念鲁迅
一。同学们，尽情读鲁迅的作品吧。我相信你会了解他的。
2。下课后，我建议你继续从以下几个方面阅读：
（课件出示：
一、鲁迅知识我知道。
二、鲁迅故事我会讲。
三、鲁迅作品我能读。
四、鲁迅名言我会背。
五、鲁迅纪念馆我去过。）
3、书籍介绍
老师向大家推荐三本鲁迅的书。一本是《世界名人传记──鲁迅》：这本书用妙趣横生的故事介绍了鲁迅的一生，读起来简单而有趣。
第二本是《朝花夕拾》：这是鲁迅的作品，**结合，便于我们理解。第三本是《鲁迅文学作品集──**卷》，我们的课文出处《故乡》就第一篇。
篇三：走进鲁迅读后感
《鲁迅——名人传记》读后感
六（3）李颖
鲁迅是20世纪20年代初中国文学的灵魂。在我想象中，他应该穿着中山装，一脸愤世嫉俗，这才符合“横眉冷对千夫指，俯首甘为孺子牛”的形象。
直到今天翻开这本《鲁迅》我才看到了鲁迅的另一面，真正走进了他的心灵，了解了他艰苦朴素、奋斗追求的一生。
打开书本，清晰的文字像春天一样慢慢流入我的心中。1881年9月25日，绍兴市新台门周家出生了一个男孩。他是伟大的文学巨人鲁迅。
鲁迅的童年生活多姿多彩。且不提趣味无穷的百草园，书香扑面的三味书屋，也不说祖母美丽的民间传说，玉田老师妙趣横生的讲课，光是一本本《花镜》、《山海经》、《鉴略》就让小鲁迅如痴如醉。正是这些插图和故事，启发了鲁迅的情感，培养了他的审美能力，实现了他的艺术基础。
18岁那年，饱受父亲之苦的鲁迅离开家乡来到南京读书。几年后，鲁迅东渡日本学医，后来又毅然弃医从文，决心推选文艺，用手中的笔唤醒沉睡麻木的国民，改变他们的思想，打倒封建主义。于是，《狂人日记》、《阿q正传》、《祝福》??
一部优秀文学作品的出版，最终确立了鲁迅在文坛的地位，使他成为一位享誉世界的伟大作家。
鲁迅一生过着艰苦朴素的生活，但他努力学习，努力工作
后人留下了宝贵的精神财富。
这本200页的书不太薄，但我下午读完了。合上书，心中的火已经被激昂的话语点燃。是啊，“横眉冷对千夫指，俯首甘为孺子牛”。
他的骨头最硬，对形形色色的敌人，看得清，恨得深，斗争得最坚决；他甘当人民大众的牛，在培养文艺青年方面，更是付出了毕生的心血!
那本书静静地放在桌上，但我却感慨万千。然后我突然在书的封面上发现了一幅鲁迅的肖像。画中，鲁迅深邃的双眼望着远方，粗浓的眉毛，黑密的胡须，眉头紧锁，神情深沉而坚毅，一看就是一个忧国忧民的中国知识分子。
从《鲁迅——名人传记》中，我真正读懂了鲁迅。
读《小学生鲁迅读本》有感
六（3）闫恬宇
说到鲁迅，我收集了很多资料。原名周树人，字豫才，浙江绍兴人。著有《呐喊》、《彷徨》、《朝花夕拾》、《野草》等但是他也并不只是有这么一点书，因为他可是一名伟大的文学家呢！
还有自己背着因袭的重担，肩住了黑暗的闸门，放他们到宽阔光明的地方去；此后幸福的度日，合理的做人。我读《小学生鲁迅读本》后感觉鲁迅总是“以人性，童心去感受世界”让我们感到其实当文学家的那些人并不是那么可怕、陌生、遥远反而让我们觉得是那么亲切。也因为他有一颗“赤子之心”。
还有我们小时候之所以对著名作品望而偎之。是因为我们对作者并不了解。其实他们也是凡人。
它没有我们想象的那么远。只要奋发图强。也可以成为文学家的一员。
这本书主要是写“家乡”、“神话”、“人”其中写家乡中的《茅屋，狗，塔，村女》中的“水中的青天的底子，一切事物统在上面交错，织成一篇，永是生动，永是展开。”出自平常我们到处都能见到水，但是在鲁迅眼里水却是那样有魔力。水好像是所有事物的总结。
所有事物必须穿过的中心点。还有鲁迅把水用来做称托。显出天空也是那么活灵活现。
还把水当作镜子，照出所有东西的美好，同时也把不好的一面冲走了。也把水看作是人们心灵的镜子，因为当水变脏时，它反映了人们对自然的破坏。水干净的时候。
人们便是心灵美的时候。蓝天上，有无数美丽的人和我没有的东西。我一个接一个地知道和看到。我正在凝视他们。
让读者从他的话中深思自己的所作所为。
鲁迅说：“神话他也是蛮爱听的，他说：“他的长奶奶曾经给他讲了一个故事，说有一条美女蛇如果他叫你答应了它，便会在夜晚吃你的肉。
”这表面上是在讲神话故事，实际上就如鲁迅所说的“做人之险”使我想到我们尽量不要与陌生人说话，要说也要快点不要说太长时间！因为现在的坏人太多了。许多孩子失踪是因为他们被坏人绑架了。
父母都很着急。但是必要的时候是可以的。比如问路、借东西等。
写人也是鲁迅其中的一个强项。《闰土哥》中鲁迅把闰土描写成了一个小英雄。其实“闰土是一个十一二岁的少年，项带银圈，手握一并钢叉住在海边种西瓜。
他向一匹猹尽力的刺去，那猹却将身一扭，反从他的胯下逃走了。”鲁迅写的让人觉得闰土哥是个大英雄，因为鲁迅把他描写的特别高大，闰土哥就像是一名守护神，又像哪吒！时刻保卫着西瓜不被猹偷吃。
看完这篇文章通常使我想起，家乡的小马他在玩一些炮火的时候总是能想出稀奇古怪的玩法，我总是丈二和尚摸不着头脑，想起这些就想笑。有时候他还能把炮丢到水里，但意想不到的是，这样也能响。
鲁迅的作品正如王富仁所说的：“鲁迅的作品是最好懂的，因为鲁迅的作品里，充满了人性的语言，与人最内在的感受。”
我眼中的鲁迅先生
六（3）许竹泉
语文读本上的鲁迅，大概只是先生的一个侧面而已，与本来的面目大相径庭。
先生首先是个热爱生活的人，对生活有深刻的见解。他热爱生活，向往“幸福的家庭”和甜美的爱情；他是一个积极的家庭建设者，为面包和牛奶努力工作，并愿意把天伦带给他的妻子和孩子。对于小人物的关切，比如文学青年、中学教员、城市小手工生产者等等，是先生文笔的浓墨重彩之处。
他关心普通人的油烟、柴米油烟、爱恨恨恨和社会公德，这在他的几部**中都有生动的表现。
先生是一名自由与尊严的渴望者，痛恨“吃人的社会”。有些文学教育喜欢把当今社会与过去对立，造成一种“昨不如今”的强烈对比，企图实现教化。课本上或者教案上经常出现“封建礼教”的字眼，以为这是先生“反封建”的表现。
先生反对的是没有自由和个人尊严的社会，而非仅仅是“封建”。任何一个自由和尊严缺乏的社会，都是一个“吃人的社会”，穷人总是生活在屋檐下，他们的个人权利往往被所谓的“社会利益”或者“公共利益”所吞噬。先生是在为个人权利和尊严而斗争，尤其是那些“做不稳奴隶和暂时做稳奴隶的人”，然后才是所谓的民族、国家的命运。
最后，先生“俯首甘为孺子牛”，是青年人的精神导师。先生对于青年人的期望、失望和厚望无不流露于字里行间，他渴望肉体健康、灵魂饱满的“战士”，而不是“行尸走肉”的懦夫或者“自欺欺人”
演讲稿名人 篇5
ted是美国的一家私有非盈利机构，该机构以它组织的ted大会著称，这个会议的宗旨是“用思想的力量来改变世界”。大家在锻炼雅思听力的时候，也可以学习一下里面的主角们的思维模式，论述方法，希望还能对大家的雅思写作有所启迪。
i grew up diagnosed as phobically shy,
我从小就有社交恐惧症
and like at least 20 other people in a room of this size,
这样的空间大约20人
i was a stutterer.
就能让以前的我结巴语塞
do you dare raise your hand?
更别提举手了根本不可能
and it sticks with us.
这种困扰如影随形
it really does stick with us,
你走到哪它就跟到哪
because when we are treated that way,
当大家对你的存在视若无睹
we feel invisible sometimes,
你会开始感觉自己是**人
or talked around and at.
而别人都在你背后窃窃私语
and as i started to look at people,
后来我仔细去观察周遭的人
which is mostly all i did,
一直以来我都只敢默默观察
i noticed that some people really wanted attention
然后发现有些人无法忍受被忽视
and recognition.
他们要得到大家的注意力和认同
remember, i was young then.
当时我年轻、懵懂
so what did they do? what we still do perhaps too often?
渴望被关注的人做什么？也许现在有太多人在不知情的情况下做同样的事情
we talk about ourselves.
他们谈论的常常都是自己
and yet there are other people i observed who had what i called a mutuality
mindset.
但另一批人就不同了我说他们的人际关系往往有一种“互相”的心态
in each situation, they found a way to talk about us and create that “us”
idea.
无论什么场合他们的谈话里都会出现“我们”这个概念
so my idea to reimagine the world is to see it one where we all be***e
greater opportunity-makers with and for others.
在我的理想世界里，每个人都可以为自己和他人创造机会
there’s no greater opportunity or call for action for us now
现在我们必须抓住机会采取行动
than to be***e opportunity-makers who use best talents together more often
for the greater good
综合各种能力，尽可能造福他人
and ac***plish things we couldn’t have done on our own.
一人做不到的多人或许有办法
and i want to talk to you about that,
这就是我今天的重点
cause even more than giving,
比单纯给予
even more than giving,
施舍、捐赠更有影响力的
is the capacity for us to do something **arter together
就是人们学会集思广益
for the greater good that lifts us both up
共同合作创造双赢局面
and that can scale.
其中的利益会一层层积累
that’s why i’m sitting here.
这是我今天演讲的重点
but i also want to point something else out.
不过我还想说一件事
each one of you is better than anybody else at something.
台下的你必定在某些事上比其他人都拿手
that disproves that popular notion that if you’re the **artest person in the
room,
和那句名言“你绝不是这里最厉害的人”
you’re in the wrong room.
恰恰相反
so let me tell you about a hollywood party i went to a couple years back,
我在几年前的一个好莱坞聚会上
and i met this up-and-***ing actress,
遇见了位有潜力的女演员
and we were soon talking about something that we both felt passionately
about,
我们很快就找到共同话题-
public art.
公共艺术
and she had the fervent belief that every new building in los angeles
她坚信洛杉矶的每栋建筑里
should have public art in it. she wanted a regulation for it,
应该有公共艺术。她想要一套专门的公共艺术规范
and she fervently started,
所以她兴忡忡的着手进行
what is here from chicago?
这里有谁是芝加哥人吗?
she fervently started talking about these bean-shaped reflective sculptures
in millennium park,
她滔滔不绝的说着千禧公园里的云门雕塑
and people would walk up to it
人们好奇的上前一**竟
and they’d **ile in the reflection of it,
看着自己的映像微笑
and they’d pose and they’d vamp and they’d take selfies together
摆pose、赞叹、**留念
and they’d laugh.
然后笑成一团
and as she was talking, a thought came to my mind.
听着听着我突然灵光乍现
i said, “i know someone you ought to meet.
我告诉她: “妳应该见见这个人
he’s getting out of san quentin in a couple of weeks
他几个星期后就要从圣昆廷出来了
and he shares your fervent desire that art should engage and enable people to
connect.”
他跟妳一样觉得艺术应该让人有共鸣、激发想像力”
he spent five years in solitary,
他被单独监禁了五年
and i met him because i gave a speech at san quentin,
我因为在圣昆丁演讲而与他结识
and he’s articulate
他口条不错
and he’s rather easy on the eyes
长的也不赖
because he’s buff. he had workout regime he did everyday.
因为他是条热爱健身的汉子
i think she was following me at that point.
女演员大概还满有兴趣的
i said, “he’d be an unexpected ally.”
我又说: “他会是个得力助手”
and not just that. there’s james. he’s an architect
除了他，我还把詹姆斯带来了。詹姆斯是个建筑师
and he’s a professor,
也是个教授
and he loves place-******, and place-****** is when you have those
mini-plazas
他对地方营造很有兴趣外头的小广场、
and those urban walkways
城市人行道
and where they’re dotted with art,
任何装饰艺术的地方都属于当地建筑的范畴
where people draw and ***e up and talk sometimes.
许多人会在那儿画画、闲聊
i think they’d make good allies.
我想他们一定能合作无间
and indeed they were.
果真没错
they met together. they prepared.
他们碰面之后就开始筹备
they spoke in front of the lost angeles city council.
演讲稿名人 篇6
1998年,施莱弗在圣十字学院演讲
“永远不要指望别人在经济上支持你。”
NBC的新闻主播、肯尼迪家族的第三代成员玛丽亚·施莱弗在圣十字学院1998年的毕业典礼上发表了这篇演讲,她的言论一经发表就受到了全国的广泛关注。施莱弗提到她在演讲之前就得到了很多关于“演讲应该讲什么”的建议,最终她决定去分享“当我像你们一样坐在毕业典礼的会堂里,我最希望别人告诉我的十件事”,这十件事包括“发掘你的激情”、“不要让工作压倒你”、“女超人不存在”等等。
施莱弗用她自己在事业上和育儿
上的亲身经历来支持她的观点,她做到了用最诙谐的方式去对待生活中最艰难的时刻。
在这篇大受好评的演讲的基础上,施莱弗又出版了名为《在我走进真实世界前我最想知道的十件事》一书,这本书一经出版就迅速成为毕业礼物清单上的大热门,霎时间风靡整个校园。
在2012年,施莱弗又继续发表了她的第二次毕业演讲,她的这次发声同样掷地有声。这篇名为“停顿的力量”的演讲发表在南加州大学的毕业典礼上, 这正是她女儿的毕业典礼,她建议新的毕业生在做重大的判断和决策之前先停一停。
